速度与激情8

Gay and targeted in Uganda: Inside the extreme crackdown on LGBTQ rights_我的网站

一 |     战争的阴影下，基辅权力风云渐起。    At a small shelter in Uganda, members of the LGBTQ community seek refuge from persecution after their government enacted one of the world's harshest anti-homosexuality laws earlier this year.Henry, whose full name is being withheld for safety reasons, runs the shelter along with a local clinic he says also serves the general community."Somebody has just called me that they need shelter. He has been evicted, and he's on his way," Henry told ABC News foreign correspondent James Longman.A man named Emmanuel arrives -- he says he hasn't slept in days and is seeking a place to stay to keep him off the streets. Later, he tells ABC News that he's estranged from his family and recently got kicked out of his home after the landlord spotted his boyfriend visiting."Every day that goes by, you feel like it's becoming more like you're in a box," said Emmanuel, whose full name is being withheld for safety reasons."My biggest fear is the police can find me anywhere," Emmanuel said.Despite that fear and the risk of showing his face, Emmanuel said he's tired of hiding."I wouldn't want to live in the fear. I'll stand in, to be that person who is not scared of being who I really am," Emmanuel said.Uganda has effectively made being gay illegal of what the law calls "aggravated homosexuality" -- up to life in prison or even execution. Someone simply advocating for gay rights could serve up to 20 years behind bars. Renting up a room to a gay couple could result in a 7-year prison sentence.Critically, failing to report same-sex acts to the police is also a crime, creating a culture of suspicion that people like Henry and Emmanuel have seen firsthand."Right now, I'm one of the victims of the bill," said Henry, who has been targeted and arrested before for helping gay people. Since ABC News' visit to the clinic, police raided and shut Henry's clinic down. Henry was arrested and released.

Hiding in plain sight

Just before the new law came into effect, Mona Lisa, a 29-year-old trans woman, had her home raided by Ugandan authorities. She was jailed for three months on charges of "homosexuality propaganda."Her apartment is the only place where she feels safe to be her true self. She pulls out a small suitcase from on top of a shelf. Inside, her prized outfits are stashed away in secret.Donning a bright blue and yellow-patterned wrap and matching pants, a dark brown bob, and red lipstick, Mona Lisa says, "I feel perfect. I feel like this is the Mona I want to be like on a daily basis."While there was a time when it was safer to be her true self in public, she says, "It's not happening now."Meanwhile, 27-year-old Eric was also arrested earlier this year. Inside his home, the young activist wears a striped rainbow shirt and his home is filled with color. His full name and location are being withheld for safety reasons.But it's not safe to go out like this, Eric says.For Eric and his friends, just existing is a form of defiance. On this night, going out to a club is their act of resistance."You can't go alone out -- in case something happens. You can't just go alone," Eric said.Gay clubs in Uganda have been shut down, so the group of friends head to a local dance party instead. It's not illegal to have a good time, but those who are gay understand the risks.Despite the positive energy at the party, there's potential danger lurking beneath the surface. One complaint, one annoyed neighbor, one over-curious passerby, and it could all end with police sirens and violence.Yet, for Eric and his friends, they say this release is crucial for their survival."I surround myself with people that accept me. It's important," Eric said.

Denying the law's impact: 'We look at gay as a deviation'

Asuman Basalirwa is one of the Ugandan lawmakers who sponsored the new law and says other countries should respect Uganda's sovereignty."For us, we look at gay as a deviation," Basalirwa told ABC News.During a two-hour interview with Longman, Basalirwa repeatedly denied the negative impact of the new law on LGBT Ugandans."Let me tell you, I am a lawyer here, if anybody is being persecuted for existence, give me their contacts, I'll represent them free of charge. Where are they?" Basalirwa said.But Ugandan Human rights attorney Nicholas Opiyo says, "the stories I hear every day is different from what [Basalirwa] would want to tell you.""I have people who have been raped who are afraid to go to hospitals, because of fear of being reported. I have people who are hiding in their houses and are calling me for medical help, for food," Opiyo told ABC News.

Exporting hate through evangelism

The Anglican church has spearheaded the anti-LGBTQ movement in Uganda, where more than 80% of people are Christian and nearly 14.4% of people are Muslim -- with a heavy emphasis on "traditional family."Pastor Simeon Kawiya leads a Christian church in Kampala and is a supporter of the new anti-homosexuality law. Kawiya believes that being gay is taught and not how people are born."It's not a human right to be gay. It's not," Kawaiya told ABC News."The Parliament of Uganda voted 100% in favor of anti-LGBT law. I mean, the whole country voted that way," Kawaiya continued.More than 30 African countries ban same-sex relations, according to Human Rights Watch.But some people, including preacher Kapya Kaoma, claim anti-LGBTQ sentiment on the continent has been influenced from the outside."The whole idea of the persecution of African LGBTQ people did not come from Africa. American Christian rightists are behind it," Kaoma told ABC News.While working as a preacher in Uganda, Kaoma took videos of American preachers speaking against homosexuality in the country that became part of the award-winning documentary, "God Loves Uganda."Several media outlets, including Open Democracy, have reported that U.S.-based Christian groups -- known for fighting everything from access to abortion to limiting LGBTQ right -- spent tens of millions of dollars across Africa over the last decade or more.The origins of the new anti-LGBTQ law in Uganda can be traced back to 2009, when a bill nicknamed "Kill the Gays" was drafted in parliament. It finally passed in 2014, but was struck down before it went into effect."The American Evangelicals also learned something. What they started doing is having conferences -- Africans with American Christian rightists coming together," Kaoma said.Just before the new anti-LGBTQ law went into effect earlier this year, the government of Uganda hosted a conference titled, "Protecting African Culture and Family Values," which included members of parliament and Uganda President Yoweri Museveni, who posted parts of it on his social media channels."There will be no promotion of homosexuality in Uganda," Museveni said.Ugandan state TV also showed Sharon Slater, head of Arizona-based evangelical group, Family Watch International, speaking at the conference."I cannot tell you the power that I think will reverberate across Africa that will affect the whole world from this conference…We must stop this cultural imperialism that is coming and destroying our children and our families," Slater said.Shortly after the conference, Museveni signed the anti-homosexuality bill into law."Sharon Slater cannot deny those connections, she has people working with her on the ground in Uganda," Kaoma said.Family Watch International denies it helped author Uganda's anti-LGBTQ law. According to their website, the group says it opposed the bill and the penalties, including the death penalty and the part that would punish people for not turning in others."Family Watch pleaded with Uganda's president that if he planned to sign the bill, to ensure that it be softened to include a safe-haven clause whereby people with unwanted same-sex attraction can voluntarily come forward to ask for help without fear of being arrested or penalized," a statement on their website said.Opiyo, the human rights lawyer, told ABC News, "Who I have sex with, who I love, is less important to a common person in the village.""Evangelical and cultural groups have jumped on this campaign as an issue for them, and have created a sense that there's widespread hatred in this country," Opiyo said.

Looking ahead

The United States government invests nearly $1 billion annually in Uganda, according to the U.S. Embassy in Uganda.When asked what material response the Biden administration is planning, U.S. Secretary Antony Blinken told reporters at a press conference, "[Uganda's anti-homosexuality act] infringes very clearly on the human rights of Ugandan citizens…President Biden directed the government to evaluate all aspects of our engagement with Uganda…That process is ongoing and when I have any news for you on that front, I will share it."It's unclear if U.S. sanctions would have any effect.The World Bank has already stopped lending to Uganda and the European Union denounced the bill as well.Meanwhile, many of the young people in the country who spoke to ABC News wonder how they will survive in a country determined to punish them for merely living their lives."For me, it's all about freedom. Let us live in the moment, and be loved," Mona Lisa said.ABC News' Allie Weintraub, Jaclyn Skurie, Meagan Redman, and Stephanie Lorenzo contributed to this report.。     8月23日，泽连斯基的声音掷地有声：乌克兰现在，根本无力举办战时选举。这句话，并非突兀之言，而是权力斗争的导火索。前不久，乌克兰前国防部长费奥多罗夫，这位曾被免职的官员，直言不讳地呼吁战时选举，直接挑战了乌克兰现政权的合法性。

二 | 一场选举的议题，竟从外界质疑演变成基辅权力圈内部的公开对抗，这场风波，预示着乌克兰政局的动荡。长达1643天的俄乌冲突，已远超苏联卫国战争的时长，对乌克兰而言，时间是无情的沙漏，每一粒流逝的沙子，都敲打着泽连斯基的心头。当初以和平总统的姿态入主总统府的他，如今却被战争、选举、军援和满目疮痍的废墟紧紧束缚。

三 |      他会很快离去吗？结果尚不明朗，但一种趋势已然清晰：一旦枪炮声停歇，乌克兰必须重启投票程序，而泽连斯基，将不可避免地面对一张厚重而复杂的政治账单。费奥多罗夫的选举呼吁，并非单纯对参选的渴望，更在于他将战时合法性这一核心议题再次抛向公众。

四 | 泽连斯基，在2019年以高票当选，原定的五年任期本应在2024年5月届满。然而，乌克兰的战时状态，法律上禁止选举举行，他得以继续履职。

五 | 这或许在法律程序上占了先机，却无法阻止政治对手不断质疑其任期合法性。

六 |      泽连斯基深知这一点。

七 | 如今拒绝战时选举，他的理由并非空穴来风。前线的硝烟依旧弥漫，数百万乌克兰人流离失所漂泊异乡，无数军人身陷战壕，城市则时刻笼罩在导弹和无人机的威胁之下。在这种情况下，如何保证选举的安全，如何确保代表性的广泛性，如何维护计票的公信力，无一不是难以逾越的障碍。重点就在于此。只要战争持续，选举便可以不断被推迟；然而，一旦战争终结，选民的追问便会如潮水般涌来：领土的归属如何界定？阵亡烈士的家属将何去何从？征兵制度的争议由谁来承担？腐败问题谁来交代？那些数千亿美元的重建资金，又将从何而来？      外界曾以为，真正威胁泽连斯基地位的，是前乌军总司令扎卢日内。然而，如今看来，挑战或许并非来自某个强劲的对手，而是来自整个乌克兰社会对这场旷日持久战争的深深厌倦。泽连斯基暂时堵住了选举的窗口，却无法阻止时间流逝，政治清算必将到来。

八 | 枪声停止的那一天，很可能就是他对执政成绩进行全面回顾之时。与此同时，西方军援的困境也浮出水面。新华社8月18日的报道，引述美国媒体消息，暗示乌克兰负责爱国者系统运行的工程师已数周没有看到相关系统运作。

九 |      泽连斯基本人也坦言，今年以来西方交付乌克兰的防空导弹数量，仅为2025年同期的三分之一。为了挽救危局，乌方甚至罕见地提出，只要美国军工企业愿意在乌克兰境内生产拦截弹，工厂的所有权和运营权都可以交给美方。这已经超越了单纯的武器购买，而是乌克兰愿意以市场、工厂乃至部分军工自主权为代价，换取一线生机。然而，即便付出了如此高昂的代价，基辅依旧难以保证导弹能够及时到位。原因并不复杂。美国在中东战场消耗了大量拦截弹，自身库存也亟待补充。华盛顿必须在本土安全、盟友关系和军工企业利润之间做出权衡，乌克兰只能在资源重新排序的行列中耐心等待。     过去，不少人曾误以为，乌克兰只要替西方牵制俄罗斯，西方就会对其进行无休止的资助。然而，事实证明，外部强权承诺总是附加条件的：当战略价值高时，援助会慷慨解囊；而当其他方向更迫切时，援助则会大打折扣，绝不会为了基辅而耗尽自身的资源。

十 | 法国8月22日同意加快提供武器和导弹，并向乌方提供相关导弹的生产许可，这体现了欧洲仍在持续支持，但并不能完全取代美国庞大的防空供应体系。     乌克兰看似仍被西方环绕，却实已开始被不同战场争夺有限的资源。泽连斯基可以继续呼吁，却越来越难以掌控援助何时到来、数量几何、以及附带什么样的条件。     俄罗斯的推进，尽管掩盖不了战争带来的巨大代价。8月22日，乌克兰无人机再次袭击俄罗斯境内目标，造成至少10人死亡，袭击地点包括电商企业仓库和工业设施。俄罗斯随即表示，将扩大对乌方相关企业和基础设施的打击。这场战争因此呈现出更为危险的变化：前线的争夺尚未结束，双方已经将火力投向对方的经济设施、物流节点和城市运行系统，试图切断对方的战争命脉，却也无意中将普通人的生活卷入更深的漩涡之中。

十一 | 俄罗斯凭借其庞大的国土纵深、完善的军工体系和充足的人力资源，在长期消耗战中占据明显优势。

十二 | 但乌克兰无人机的不断入侵，也迫使莫斯科不得不投入更多资源来守卫炼油厂、仓储中心和交通设施。尽管俄罗斯看似掌握着战场的主动权，但其背后同样面临着军费开支的压力、能源设施遭受袭击的风险，以及长期动员带来的社会负担。一场持续了1643天的战争，已经难以通过一次战役、一次谈判或一次武器交付来迅速结束。     然而，双方承受能力却并非对等。对于俄罗斯而言，这是一场长期的消耗战，而对于乌克兰而言，却是一场国家结构被一点点掏空的过程。世界银行、乌克兰政府、欧盟委员会和联合国今年2月联合发布的评估显示，截至2025年底，乌克兰未来十年的恢复与重建需求已接近5880亿美元，相当于乌克兰2025年名义国内生产总值的三倍。

十三 | 这仅仅是能够估价的道路、住房、能源设施和公共服务的重建成本。人口外流、出生率下降、劳动力短缺、战争创伤以及社会撕裂，这些无形的损失，根本无法简单地写入工程预算之中。     因此，泽连斯基可以强调乌克兰的抵抗意志，可以继续将袭击范围延伸至俄罗斯腹地，但他无法回避一个残酷的现实：战争持续的时间越长，未来接手乌克兰的人，所面临的就越像一个巨大的修复工地。中方一贯的主张，正在战争中得到验证：停火止战、恢复对话，并非为了让任何一方认输，更不是为了要求谁无条件放弃底线，而是因为战场已经证明，武器能够改变战线，却无法根治欧洲安全架构中固有的根本矛盾。美国希望减少长期投入，却又不愿彻底失去对欧洲安全事务的主导权；欧洲则担心美国撤退，将军援和重建的账单留给自己；俄罗斯则坚持要求和谈，认可战场现实；而乌克兰则试图争取领土、安全保障和西方长期的承诺。     各方都试图获取更多的筹码，却又无意承担全部的代价。

十四 | 于是，和谈的试探一次又一次地失败，停火的窗口一次又一次地错过，乌克兰的城市则在无人机和导弹的袭击中继续遭受破坏。泽连斯基现在拒绝战时选举，或许能在短期内继续留在总统府。但他真正恐惧的，恐怕并非某个竞争者，而是战争结束后扑面而来的所有问题。     打了1643天，泽连斯基究竟会不会走人，取决于停火能否实现、战时状态何时解除，也取决于乌克兰选民是否愿意继续将国家交在他手中。然而，无论他最终选择留下，还是离开，遍地狼藉的城市、逼近5880亿美元的重建需求，以及大量流离失所的家庭，都将成为他无法抹去的执政印记。        政治家可以在棋局中改变筹码，也可以在镜头前调整言辞，但废墟不会配合他们的表演。泽连斯基最终留下的，究竟是一个守护国家的战时传奇，还是一张由乌克兰几代人来偿还的战争账单，历史不会只听取他的演说。乌克兰最需要的，或许不是下一批的武器承诺，而是一条切实可行、可监督、能够让人们生存下来的和平之路。战争拖得越久，离开总统府的人或许只有一个，留在废墟中买单的，却是整个国家。返回，查看更多。

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